Akhtar Mengal ! Baloch demands are crystal clear and that is complete freedom

Dear Belaar Baloch,

The question is why he went to testify in the Pakistan supreme court and not in the ICC or any other International reputable organization? Let’s say that he went there to Islamabad to present the Balochistan’s case or articulates Baloch demands. Did he do so? NO, he didn’t. The issue of Missing Persons is NOT the main Balochistan’s issue with Pokistan, but is the illegal occupation of Baloch land and exploitation of Baloch resources that is going on for the last 64 years at gun point.

Now why Akhtar Mengal failed to articulate the real Baloch demands and inspirations with Islamabad, this is a BIG question and ONLY he can answer it.

He knows very well that by making such a useless trip to Islamabad he not only earn the anger of Baloch missing person’s family members but also of the entire Baloch nation and now that he realized it that it was a big mistake that he fall into the ISI trap and Islamabad dirty politics and that Islamabad is never sincere to listen to Baloch demands or grievances leave alone to solve them, he is now trying to use such baseless arguments to defend his misadventure. He think by doing so, he can repair the undo damage done to himself but Baloch are not so naive to buy these gibberish arguments, as these presented in this article by one of his supporter.

Baloch demands are crystal clear and that is complete freedom from this un-natural fake state called Pokistan. Nothing less will be accepted to Baloch nation.

— On Tue, 10/30/12, belaar baloch <belaar3> wrote:

From: belaar baloch <belaar3>
Subject: [balochi_culture] Understanding B.N.P and its Initiatives
To: "balochi_culture" <balochi_culture>
Date: Tuesday, October 30, 2012, 10:09 PM

Understanding B.N.P and its Initiatives – and their Policy Implications on Baloch Politics

By Belaar Baloch

The president of Balochistan National Party (B.N.P) Sardar Akhtar Jan Mengal’s recent visit to Islamabad raised many eyebrows. His appearance before the Pakistan Supreme Court, his discussions with opposition politicians and, more importantly, his proclamation of conflict resolution agenda – embodied in Six-Point confident building measures – came under intense scrutiny in Baloch political circles.

On the one hand, the opponents, who suspiciously look these initiatives, argue that Sardar Akhtar made a mistake by appearing before the Court. Chiding his efforts, they further claim, that without some degree of consent of Pakistani establishment, Sardar Akhtar’s visit was unfeasible; while on the other hand, Sardar Akhtar, along with his advisers, refutes these charges and call such criticisms deeply cynical.

Moreover, while defending his policy of “new opening”, Sardar Akhtar argues that presenting the case of abducted persons before the highest court of Pakistan is a necessary step towards a peaceful resolution of this protracted crisis that engulfed Balochistan for almost a decade. In doing so, he chose to put premium on confident building measures, highlighting issues relevant to the moral side of the conflict, (i.e., humanitarian catastrophe), while focusing less attention (at least, when speaking to media) on the political dimension which is central to any settlement of a crisis that is as complex as this one: Baloch versus Pakistani state.
(full article)

In Search of Baloch National Interest


“Mengal Couldn’t Have Come Without Some Assurances”

“Mengal Couldn’t Have Come Without Some Assurances”— Najam Sethi, senior journalist

By Farah Zia & Waqar Gillani

The News on Sunday: As somebody who is so familiar with the issue, what exactly do you think is the Baloch problem? Give us some historical perspective?

Najam Sethi: There is a historical narrative in a section of the Baloch middle class which says that the accession to Pakistan of the Princely State of Kalat after partition was enforced. From there, the narrative expands into a demand for autonomy and provincial rights and, eventually, spills over into the demand for independence because of the inability of the rulers at the centre to devolve power.

Balochistan remains a tribal society. So, the form of resistance has always been through weapons and bullets whereas similar political or economic resistance in other parts of Pakistan is on the streets, through strikes and protest marches and so on. In tribal societies, violent methods are as ‘democratic’ as peaceful ones in modern ones.

Unfortunately, from the point of view of Baloch nationalism, their tribal society is very fragmented and tribal rivalries or local rivalries take precedence over provincial and even national issues. That is why the centre has always been able to exploit the situation and found willing takers from amongst the Baloch sardars who have had historical rivalries with each other.

So, Balochistan is beset with several narratives: the tribal narrative of internecine warfare, the middle-class urban narrative of constitutionalism and the rural-tribal sardar narrative of separatism. When the 1973 constitution was cobbled together by ZA Bhutto, the Baloch led by Nawab Khair Bukhsh Marri, Sardar Ataullah Mengal and Nawab Akbar Bugti were reluctant to sign on the dotted line. It was Ghaus Bakhsh Bizenjo, the urban middle class constitutionalist, who played the role of a bridge between these tribal sardars and Bhutto and got them to agree to sign on the 1973 constitution. The one solitary person who refused to sign was Nawab Khair Bux Marri who still remains the arch exponent of separatism.

So, there is a constant clash of all these narratives.

What has happened now is that because of central-state repression, the nationalist narrative is getting stronger and, as new middle classes develop (like our middle classes over here are becoming Islamised because of the narratives in their education system), the narratives in Balochistan are all about resistance and injustice. Every year, a new symbol is created in that narrative; originally it was Sui Gas that was supplied to all of Pakistan but not to Quetta, then it became Gwadar Port where “outsiders” bought up the land and so on.

TNS: In one of your recent articles, you have talked about the military action in almost the same breath as Baloch nationalist elements that have taken up arms against the Punjabi settlers. A sympathizer of the Baloch cause would say these acts are more reactions and not actions?

NS: No, this is not a reaction. It is part of a political strategy by the separatists. It didn’t exist in any of the earlier movements for independence, not even in the 1970s when state repression was at its height. This is the first time that Baloch insurgents have tried to eliminate Punjabis from Balochistan as part of a political framework. This time the movement has a new leadership also that is not at all tied to the strings of constitutionalism. And, for the first time, the resistance incorporates the two big tribes of Marris and Bugtis. Until now, it was always the Brahuis led by Mengal and the Marris led by Khair Bux; the Bugtis were never a significant part of the nationalist narrative, they were more concerned about their rights vis-à-vis the Pakistan Petroleum explorations for oil and gas in their areas. The Marris and the Bugtis standing together have changed the whole situation.

There has always been a strong anti-Punjabi sentiment in Khair Bux Marri. Now it’s part of policy. When you talk to these young Marri-Bugti leaders in exile, they are very clear. They say we’d rather be slaves of America than be slaves of these Punjabis who are the slaves of America anyway, a reference to the Pakistan military that is both a puppet of America and their repressor. In turn, this is why the Pakistan army, which is predominantly made up of the Punjabis, is determined to eliminate them.

TNS: What exactly is the military’s interest in Balochistan?

NS: The Pakistan Military is the state within the state. No state in the world would allow any part of its territory to secede, would it? Just as they now have to fight the Taliban who are claiming FATA, they will fight the Baloch if they fight for secession, like they did the Bengalis in 1971. The army created these problems because of its national security paradigm revolving round the eternal arch-enemy India. Having done that, now they have to defend their spaces from the blowback of such paradigms.

This is ‘normal’ state repressive behaviour. If you look at the anti-insurgency laws in India, they are unbelievably harsh. The story of hundreds of thousands dead or missing in Indian-held Kashmir is the same.

The Pakistan Army’s counter argument is that if the Indians have a consensus against insurgencies and in favour of the unified nation state, why are the people here raising issues. Isn’t the nation state more important? To which my answer is that there is a consensus on the civilian dominated democratic nation state in India — a democratic consensus and that is why the citizens back the state unequivocally even at the cost of massive human rights violations. But the military here has been usurping power since partition and defining the national interest. This is unacceptable to many civilians who believe they should define the national interest and not the soldiers. So there is no consensus.

TNS: What is the extent of international involvement in Balochistan?

NS: If you’re looking for footprints and hard evidence, you won’t find it. But valid questions arise. Where is the money coming from to fund and train the separatists? Why is the Afghan government giving them refuge? You see, when states are at war or hostile to each other, they will fish in each other’s troubled waters; that’s the universal principle of international relations. The Indians use this ‘intelligence agency’ principle against us in Balochistan, while we use it against them in Kashmir. Now that our relations with the Americans are not good, the Americans have begun to take an ‘interest’ in Balochistan that is unprecedented. The end-game in Afghanistan also warrants keen interest in Balochistan by the regional powers.

TNS: Is the military convinced that repression will solve the problem?

NS: No, they are not convinced, like the Americans are not convinced they can win the war against the Taliban. The idea is to degrade the capacity of the insurgents to a level where you can bring them to the negotiating table. This is what has been happening here. Check out General Kayani’s statement that the military is on board any “constitutional” solution to Balochistan (secession is not constitutional).

TNS: How do you look at Akhtar Mengal’s visit to Pakistan? Was it a consequence of some back-channel talks?

NS: Mengal could not have come here without getting a nod from the guerrilla leaders of the insurgency in exile, people like Hyrbyair Marri etc. He would also have received assurances from Nawaz Sharif, the Supreme Court and the military that he would be given an opportunity to explore solutions and make his statement. The assurances from the army would have amounted to something like this: participate in elections, we will help create space for you, if you leash the guerillas. While he was here, there was not a word out of the Baloch leadership in exile; they could have immediately denounced him as a turncoat but they didn’t. He came, did his thing and off he went because he knew this was a small window and he could not afford any misunderstanding. I think the biggest encouragement was from Nawaz Sharif and the CJP.

TNS: In the same article, you have also hinted at the possibility of the nationalists using the political platform for their separatist agenda in the post-election period.

NS: I am mindful of what happened in 1973. The nationalists formed a National Awami Party government in Balochistan and an NAP government in the Frontier. Ataullah Mengal became the chief minister and Khair Bux Marri was the president of NAP. The very first thing they demanded of the central government was control over the Levies and police. This was granted. Then they said they wanted to have their own paramilitary force. Islamabad said they could not have their own paramilitary. They countered with the argument that Bhutto had created his own paramilitary force, why couldn’t they. The centre became suspicious of their motives, especially since the secular Afghan government under Daud was very chummy with the Pashtun nationalists led by secular Khan Abdul Wali Khan, a component of NAP.

Then something happened that created a ruckus. Bhutto ‘discovered’ a shipment of arms from Iraq to Pakistan ostensibly meant for the Baloch underground movement. So, he beat a big song and dance about it. These were pinned on the Baloch government led by Mengal and Marri and he sacked the NAP governments, accusing them of treacherous behaviour.

At that time there was a division between the Baloch leadership. The Mengals and Marris stood on one side and Bugti went on the other side. Bhutto seized the opportunity and offered Bugti governorship to sort the Mengals and the Marris out. Bugti became the governor. The entire NAP leadership was sent to jail on charges of conspiracy. The Supreme Court banned the NAP.

TNS: Did the military figure somewhere in Bhutto’s decision-making process?

NS: Bhutto’s defence minister was Gen Tikka Khan who was ex-COAS and known as the “butcher of Bengal”. Together, they sent the army into Balochistan and this provoked armed resistance.

After two years of insurgency, in 1976, the army finally persuaded the Shah of Iran to give them American helicopters. Thereafter the resistance began to be hit badly in the face of greater repression. Military action was effective and by 1977 most of the guerrillas had fled from the mountains and taken refuge in Kabul where Daud, who had never accepted the Durand line like his Afghan predecessors, saw an excellent opportunity to exploit the situation. After Bhutto was overthrown by Gen Zia in 1977, the military leadership freed all political prisoners, granted general amnesty and encouraged the rebels in the camps in Afghanistan to return to Pakistan and re-settle down with help from the government. Khair Bux Marri was the last to return with the advent of civilian democracy in 1988.

TNS: Sitting here in Punjab, the Baloch problem especially of underdevelopment is often seen as one that is created by the tribal sardars.

NS: This is the narrative of every central government. The biggest flaw in this narrative is that central governments which are being run by corrupt feudals from Sindh and Punjab are very happy giving funds to them. But the minute a Baloch sardar says that you have to do development via me, they say that if you are not with us, you are standing in the way of progress.

TNS: But as of now, it appears as if the insurgents are standing with the sardars against the Punjabis?

NS: There are many sardars and nawabs in Balochistan, big and small. The biggest two or three are against the Punjabi-dominated militaristic state but many others are standing with the government because of internecine conflicts. So there is much inter-tribal rivalry and competition for resources and power. We are paying attention to what the military and insurgents are doing. But no one is focussing on puppets and touts of Islamabad who are running the provincial government and who have solid stakes in keeping the big sardars out of the reckoning. Zardari gave them 100 billion rupees as part of the Aghaz e Haqooq Package. Where has this money gone?

TNS: Where does Nawaz Sharif figure in all this?

NS: Nawaz is trying to expand his constituency, making alliances with the nationalists, doing seat adjustments, giving them assurances that he will do everything he can to bring them into power. He doesn’t have a vote bank in these provinces and, in the 2002 election, PML-N didn’t get a single seat in Balochistan. Now with the nationalists, they can win some seats and form a big block to be in a position to form a coalition govt. At this point, Mahmood Khan Achakzai (a Pashtun nationalist) is Nawaz’s candidate for prime ministership and has offered to accept Mengal’s nominee as the chief minister in the caretaker setup. And then after the elections, he will likely support Akhtar Mengal as chief minister. Nawaz Sharif is going to the Sindhi and Baloch nationalists because he doesn’t have a third force to ally with. Zardari has MQM, ANP and PML-Q with him and JUI will go with whosoever is in power.

Nawaz is the one who is under threat right now. Imran is hitting into him and he needs alliances and is reaching out to the nationalists everywhere. This is, in a way, good because he is a Punjabi, so it is a good political move.

TNS: How do you look at Mengal’s six points?

NS: This was well thought out. He has referred to the six points in order to draw our attention to what happened to the other six points in 1971. The suggestion is that in 1966, we Punjabis did not give the Bengalis any attention and that ended up in secession. He’s saying these are our six points; we are not asking for secession but, if you don’t pay attention, it could also end up in the same way. Mujeeb-ur-Rehman, like Mengal, was also doing this in order to get motivate Bengalis in the election of 1970.

The other dimension is that if two or three demands get fulfilled then that’s good enough. Some of them are plain impossible. The army has denied military action because it operates through tribal lashkars which are formally controlled by Baloch tribal leaders, MNAs and MPAs who are given money and have vested interests. As for PPP, it took the brief from the army in giving the response “there is no military action”. The generals of the armed forces hide behind the government when they want to and destabilise the government when they want to.

My argument is that there is a push factor and a pull factor. The push factor was General Musharraf’s bad politics, just like Bhutto’s, which alienated the secular Baloch and Pashtuns. The pull factor has been the regional situation which has sustained the Baloch separatists. In the 1970s, the regional situation was not conducive sustaining separatists and insurgents. The warm water theory was nonsense. The Soviets gave no assistance to the Baloch. So, the resistance floundered in the face of stiff repression and in the end everyone went home when amnesty was announced.

But today, the regional situation is tailor made for foreign intervention. So, when the nationalists were pushed out, foreign states were quick to offer them help. And when you get used to such ‘help’, it becomes difficult to break away from it. There is no shortage of weapons and money. Now the push factor is weakening because of mainstream realisation that the Musharraf policy was bad, but the pull factor is getting stronger with new players itching to get into the New Great Game that is developing in the aftermath of US intervention in Afghanistan.


Khan Kalat to organize a Jundullah event in London.

LONDON– According to some reliable sources, Khan Kalat is organizing a Jundullah event in London, on November 19th, with the help of his Munshi Sarjov Moron, a well known Iranian Ex-Savak agent, and Hossinebor, a die hard supporter of Jundullah, a terrorist outfit that by the US state Deptarment. Jundullah terrorists, active in the Iranian Balochistan, have killed scores of Baloch Shia worshipers in the mosques bombing in Zahidan, Iran.

Khan kalat, who’s grand father Mir Ahmed Yar Khan sold Baluchistan to Pakistan against the Baloch will and mandate, fled Pakistan in 2007 and took political asylum in London. He shouts for freedom in London but his son pledges allegiance to Pakistan’s flag and his brothers are die hard supporters of Al-Qaida and Taliban terrorists and they have repeatedly called for Taliban style beheading of Zikiri Balochs, a small Baloch religious minority in Mekran area of, Balochistan, calling them infidel.

Many people in Balochistan believe that Khan Kalat sent his son to negotiate a secret deal with Pakistan and that he is playing double games.

Khan kalat irk the Baloch Diaspora when he appointed an Iranian die hard supporter of Jundullah, Mr. Hossienbor, to testify at the hearing held on Eastern Balochistan, and instead of correcting his mistake, he defended his blunder to please his Jundullah supporters. Mr. Hosseinbor misrepresented Balochistan’s case by saying that the Baloch do not want freedom (from Pakistan and Iran) but federalism. He also distorted the facts about Balochistan and spoke against the Baloch freedom fighters.

Khan Kalat also angered Brhamdah Bugti and many other Balochs world wide by calling Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti’s martyrdom as a egoistic adventure on his 2nd anniversary meeting in London.

More details about this Jundullah event to follow.

Khair Bux Marri exposed: by Salam Sabir (BSO-AZAD)


THE BUGGA CHARTER – Peter Tachell, Baloch Nation rejects him

I agree with Waja Azeem Baloch. Freedom charters are made with consultations with all Baloch parties and stakeholders not in the living rooms by BUGGAS over a drink party. There should have been a constitutional committee formed with agreement and consent of all Baloch stake holders and every one should have been asked to give their input and a final draft should have been made with all stake holders consent and signatures and were put to vote by Baloch people. This is the democratic way, but seems like Sardari mentality does things their own way and not want any input from others. This charter is nothing but a piece of trash destined to the trash Cain.


———- Forwarded message ———-
From: Azeem Baloch <Azeembaloch2000@yahoo.com>
Date: Saturday, 20 October 2012, 11:20AM
Subject: [balochi_culture] Re: چارٹر ایک شخص کے لئےنہیں۔ ۔ ۔ پھر براہمدغ کیوں متفق نہیں
To: balochi_culture@yahoogroups.com,
Cc: “Baluch Reporter” <baluch.reporter@gmail.com>,
This charter was written by a well known Gay (BAGGA). His name is Peter Tachell. Baloch Nation reject this BUGGA CHARTER. No body was asked to put there input in it. There was no conference held on this to ask all stakeholders to join and give their input, nor a constitutional committee was formed including all stakeholders to help draft the charter. Those who made it and promoted it are not Baloch leaders but are a part of the Baloch killings. Their family members are in bed with Paki Government. Therefore we fully rejects this so called BUGGA Charter, its BUGGA writer and its promoter, Mr. Hair Biyar Marri and his gang, the so called self proclaimed “Baloch leaders”.
They need to stop calling themselves as “Baloch leaders”. They are not our leaders nor they are the leaders of Baloch Nation. they should stop calling them as such to fool themselves and the world.

———- Forwarded message ———-
From: noutak baloch <ameerism@yahoo.co.uk>
Date: 2012/10/20
Subject: [balochi_culture] Re: چارٹر ایک شخص کے لئےنہیں۔ ۔ ۔ پھر براہمدغ کیوں متفق نہیں
To: Shaihaq Baloch <shaihaqb@ymail.com>

Waaja Nourouz Khan: Man Nawabzada Brahamdagh Bugti e haaltraan (interview)
doushi va marchi VSH News e saraa goush daashtag. Aahiye gwashag ishint k
tanigaa Nawab Khair Bakhsh Marri a ey Charter of Liberation namannitag. Wahdey k
Nawab sahib cha ey charter a diljam nahint aa (Brahamdagh) che paim gon aahiyaa
tipaak beet. Ikhtelaafe raaye democracy e bahr eyt. Baayad nahint ey gapp a shumaa
Braahamdagh e anaa e shikl a peish bekanit. Aga raast belouTay Khan Suleman Dawood
a ham Charter of Liberation e saraa wati reservation draa kutag ant. Yak washen gappey
ishint k daraa nishtagen sarouk drust yak point agenda bizaan aazaati e saraa tipaak ant. Hamey Baloch e bunyaadi masa’lah int. Diga draahen ikhtilaafaat gon gapp o traan a geesh o geewaar kanag bayant.

From: Shaihaq Baloch <shaihaqb@ymail.com>
Sent: Saturday, 20 October 2012, 2:40AM
Subject: چارٹر ایک شخص کے لئےنہیں۔ ۔ ۔ پھر براہمدغ کیوں متفق نہیں
چارٹر ایک شخص کے لئےنہیں۔ ۔ ۔ پھر براہمدغ کیوں متفق نہیں

تحریر : نوروز خان بلوچ

گذشتہ دنوں نوابزادہ حیر بیار مری نے روزنامہ توار کو اپنے خصوصی انٹرویو میں لبریشن چارٹر کے حوالے سے کہا تھا کہ اختر مینگل نے اس چارٹر کو رد کر دیا جبکہ براہمد غ نے خاموشی اختیار کیا ہوا ہے ، براہمدغ ان کا فون اٹھاتا ہے نہ ہی دیگر ساتھیوں کی چارٹر کے حوالے سے ایمیلز کا جواب دے رہے ہیں ۔ آج بروز جمعہ 19اکتوبر کو براہمدغ بگٹی نے لبریشن چارٹر کے حوالے سے پہلی بار خاموشی توڑتے ہوئے کہا کہ انہو ں نے چارٹر کو رد نہیں کیا بلکہ اپنے تحفظات اور خدشات کا اظہار کیا ہے اور جب تک ان کے تحفظات کو دور نہیں کیا جاتا اس وقت تک اگر نواب خیر بخش مری بھی اس چارٹر کو پیش کرے تب بھی میں اس پر اتفاق نہیں کرونگا۔ اس چارٹر پر اتفاق کرنے کا مطلب اپنے پارٹی (بی آر پی) کے منشور سے رو گردانی کا مترادف ہوگا۔ لیکن براہمدغ صاحب نے یہ بتانے سے گریز کیا کہ اس لبریشن چارٹر کے بابت ان کے اور ان کی پارٹی کے خدشات و تحفظات کس نوعیت کے ہیں، بلوچ قوم جاننا چاہتی ہے کہ براہمد غ کے ذہن میں وہ کون سے نکات ہیں جنہیں چارٹر میں شامل نہیں کیا جارہا ۔ واضح رہے کہ لبریشن چارٹر کے بابت نوابزادہ حیر بیار مری اور دیگر آزادی پسند سنگتوں نے میڈیا کو بتایا تھا کہ اس چارٹر کی تیاری اور اسے فائنل کرنے تک نواب خیر بخش مری کے قائدانہ صلاحیتوں سے مسلسل استعفادہ کیا گیا، اور نواب مری کی مرضی سے اس چارٹر کو فائنل کرکے اسے خان قلات سلیمان داود احمدزئی ، اختر مینگل اور پھر براہمدغ بگٹی تک خود حیر بیار مری نے سویٹزرلینڈ جاکر بنفس نفیس پیش کیا۔ طویل عرصہ کے بعد براہمدغ بگٹی نے اس چارٹر کو دھیمے لہجے میں ماننے سے انکار کرکے یقینا بلوچ آزادی پسند قوم کو مایوس کر دیا۔ براہمدغ بار بار اصرار کر رہے ہیں کہ پہلے آزادی حاصل کر لیں گے پھر جمہوری طریقے سے یہ فیصلہ کیا جائے گا کہ وہ کس طرح کا بلوچستان چاہتےہیں بگٹی صاحب کی اس بات سے مجھے (تریت و موری) والی بات یاد آرہی ہےکیونکہ اس چارٹر میں بھی واضح طور پر لکھا گیا ہے کہ جمہوری طریقہ ہی سے بلوچستان کے معاملات آگے چل کر چلایا جائے گا اور یہ فیصلہ بلوچ قوم خود کریں گےکہ وہ کیسا نظام حکومت چاہتے ہیں یہ بھی کہ آنے والا بلوچستان میں ون مین ون ووٹ کا حق سب کو حاصل ہوگا۔ کوئی سردار، نواب اور ڈکٹیٹر کی دادا گیری قابل قبول نہیں ہوگی۔یاد رہے کہ اختر مینگل نے بھی اس چارٹر پر اپنے تحفظات اور خدشات کا اظہار کرکے اسے یکسر مسترد کر دیا آج پوری بلوچ قوم یہ جان چکی ہے کہ اختر مینگل پاکستانی الیکشن کے لئے پر تول رہے ہیں۔ بلوچ قوم کے لئے بدقسمتی کا مقام ہے کہ براہمدغ بگٹی نے اس چارٹر پر اپنے تحفظات کا اظہار کیا اور اشاروں کنایوں میں اسے چار لوگوں کا مشترکہ کوشش قرار دے کر کہا کہ انہیں یہ حق نہیں وہ پوری بلوچ قوم کی نمائندہ بن کر مستقبل کے فیصلے کرنے لگیں لیکن بگٹی صاحب یہ بھول گئے کہ اس چارٹر میں کسی ذات کی مفاد کو مد نظر نہیں رکھا گیا بلکہ اس چارٹر کو پوری بلوچ قومی غلامی سے نجات اور بعد کے روشن مستقبل کو مد نظر رکھ کر اسے مرتب کیا گیا ہے ۔ مجھے نہیں لگتا کہ اس چارٹر کی تیاری سے براہمدغ کی پارٹی کمزور ہوگا ۔ میں داد دیتا ہوں اس چارٹر کو تیار کرنے والوں کو کہ انہوں نے اپنا نام تک ظاہر نہیں کیا کیونکہ انہیں حالات کا صحیح ادراک تھا کہ کوئی بلوچ رہنما یہ نہ سمجھ بیٹھے کہ یہ چارٹر فلاں کی طرف سے بنائی گئی ہے اور فلاں پارٹی ہم سب پر غالب ہورہا ہے ۔ بلوچستان کے پر آشوب حالات ہمیں ہرگز اس بات کی اجازت نہیں دیتے کہ ہم اپنے انا کی خاطر پوری بلوچ قوم کے مستقبل کو غلامی کی بھینٹ چڑھا دیں۔ شہید بالاچ مری کی شہادت کے موقع پر بین الاقوامی نشریاتی ادارہ بی بی سی اردو ریڈیو سروس کو انٹر ویو دیتے ہوئے نوابزادہ براہمدغ نے کہا تھا کہ ’’میرا کوئی بھائی نہیں ہے اگر میرا کوئی بھائی تھا تو وہ بالاچ تھا‘‘ افسوس کے ساتھ کہنا پڑ رہاہے کہ آج انہی بالاچ کے کارواں کی لبریشن چارٹر پر اختر مینگل کی طرح اپنے تحفظات کا اظہار کر رہے ہیں جو یقینا ان کی بلوچ قوم میں پذیرائی پر منفی اثرات مرتب کرنے کا سبب بن سکتی ہے اور بلوچ قوم اسے براہمدغ صاحب کی تنگ نظری اور انا پرستی سے تعبیر کر رہی ہے ۔ بلوچ قوم کے نوجوان ریاستی بربریت کا آج جتنا شکار ہے شاید ہی ماضی کے کسی ادوار میں رہے ہوں۔ شہدا، کی ارواح اور ان کی قربانیاں قطعاً یہ اجازت نہیں دیتے کہ ہم اپنی ذاتی انا کو قومی کاز پر فوقیت دیں۔آج نہیں تو کل براہمدغ بگٹی کو لبریشن چارٹر کو قبول کرنا ہوگا کیونکہ ایک منظم اور واضح پالیسی کےبغیر آگے نہیں بڑھا جاسکتا۔ تمام بلوچ رہنماؤں کو اپنے ذاتی پسند و ناپسند اور چھوٹے چھوٹے ناراضگیوں کو دفن کرنا ہوگا کیونکہ بلوچ قوم مزید انتشار اور نا اتفاقیوں کا مزید متحمل نہیں ہوسکتا۔ لبریشن چارٹر کو بلوچ قوم اپنا قومی چارٹر سمجھتی ہے ، یہ کسی شخص کی چارٹر ہے نہ ہی کسی ذات کی مفادات کا رکوالی بلکہ یہ پوری بلوچ قوم کی نمائدنگی کرتی ہے کیونکہ اس میں بلوچستان کا روشن مستقبل پنہاں ہے۔

Never Participate in Paki elections

Dear Archen Baloch,

I fully respect and honor your views regarding Na-pak Pakistan and its founding two nation theory. Nothing can compare than freeing our people from this slavery and desperate situation, but the big question is how? Let’s be realistic and not emotional or suicidal. A war of independence can not be fought with empty stomach and merely on emotional slogans. Baloch being weak and divided are unable to defeat Paki army, (which is 10 times more powerful, well equipped and brutal in nature), without any foreign help and support, which we don’t have yet. So, what are our option right now? I’m sure a collective suicide is not the one. We already lost more than 400 best brain of our nation within last two years or so and we can’t afford to lose any more. We must use all options, resources and every means of struggle to save and secure our people and Balochistan. Dear, if you have a force that can stop the election from being held in Balochistan or defeat Paki army and free our people, then go for it and no one will stop you or oppose you, but if you don’t then think of other options, change your strategy, do whatever you can to save your people and free you land using all means of struggle, without putting them in harms way.

We all know Pakistan ISI uses the elections in Balochistan to keep Baloch nationalists out of the picture and brings its own agents, drug dealers, smugglers, warlord Nawabs , Sardars and JUI extremists to empower them and use them and the Baloch resources against Baloch people to counter the Baloch Nationalists. Now how do you counter that? If you boycott the elections, this mean that you are making their job easier.

Again, let’s not contest or take part in the elections to make money, grow bigger and be a part of Paki corrupt institutions, but instead, take part in them, with clear aims and objective, to counter the ISI plans of marginalizing Balochs and use elections as a tool to politically mobilize Baloch masses, unite and educate them and protect them from being easy prey of JUI, Tableegi Jamait, LeT, LeJ and JuD extremists, who are all out there aggressively working with the help of ISI and MI with their funding and resources to wipe out your secular creed and culture.

Let’s think for a movement logically and do what needs to be done to save your people. For us every Baloch is a great asset of Baloch nation and must be saved all at all cost. Let’s not get our people killed without providing them any protection, security and support.

Best regards,


Dr. Wahid Baloch

Baloch Society of North America (BSO-NA)
1629 K Street NW, Suit 300
Washington D.C., 20036
Tel: (202) 349-1682
Fax: (202) 331-3759
Website: www.bso-na.org/

From: ArchenBaloch kaleer <archenbaloch>
Date: Tue, Oct 16, 2012 at 4:11 PM
Subject: Re: [balochi_culture] Never Participate in Paki elections
To: Borhaan Arifee <borhaan_arifee>, "balochi_culture" <balochi_culture>
Cc: "\"zayed al balushi bso_na\" <bso_na>" <zzayedal>, Balochistan National Congress <Balochistan_National_Congress>, hafeezhassanabadi <hafeezbaloch63>, Ahmaq Mistaken <ahmar_scribe>, Archen Baloch <archenbaloch>, Al Ameer <alameerism>, janmohd baloch <janmohd_baloch>, Masood Baloch <masodbaloch>, Akhter Mengal <akhtarmengal>, Sheh Mureed <sheh.mureed>, Sher Mohmad bugti <shermohammadbrp>, Shaihaq Baloch <shaihaqb>, AZIZ Baloch <wahewatan>, Mir Balach <baloch_nationalist>, Ameeri Baloch <ameerism>, Mir M Ali Talpur <mmatalpur>, Taj Gechki <altaj56>, Saqib Jawaid <mirsaqib>, "AbdulBugti1" <AbdulBugti1>

Dear All,

As a humble Baloch political activist, I request all of you to say no to pakistani election!

Best regards

From: Borhaan Arifee <borhaan_arifee>
To: balochi_culture
Cc: "zayed al balushi <zzayedal> bso_na" <bso_na>; Balochistan National Congress <Balochistan_National_Congress>; hafeezhassanabadi <hafeezbaloch63>; Ahmaq Mistaken <ahmar_scribe>; Archen Baloch <archenbaloch>; Al Ameer <alameerism>; janmohd baloch <janmohd_baloch>
Sent: Tuesday, October 16, 2012 10:40 PM
Subject: Re: [balochi_culture] Never Participate in Paki elections

Dear All,

In my blunt opinion anyone who participates in Pakistani elections or promotes the idea to participate in Pakistani elections on Baloch soil should not have any right to live on Baloch soil. Only an overall boycott could send a strong and crystal clear message to the world community that Baloch neither wants Pakistani parliament nor Pakistan itself no matter what those Pakistani henchmen in Balochistan and Pakistani moles living in foreign countries say. Baloch simply wants to restore its usurped national sovereignty and independence which can never be reinstated by collaborating with the usurpers.

Best Regards,
Borhaan Arifee

— On Tue, 10/16/12, ArchenBaloch kaleer <archenbaloch> wrote:

From: ArchenBaloch kaleer <archenbaloch>
Subject: Re: [balochi_culture] Participation in elections 2013 must
To: "zayed al balushi" <zzayedal>
Cc: ": BNC" <Balochistan_National_Congress>, "bso_na" <bso_na>, "Balochistan National Congress" <Balochistan_National_Congress>, "balochi_culture" <balochi_culture>, "hafeezhassanabadi" <hafeezbaloch63>, "Borhaan Arifee" <borhaan_arifee>
Date: Tuesday, October 16, 2012, 7:06 PM

Dear Zayed Jan,

Anyone who rendered support to Pakistan or pakistani Parliamentary Politics means he/she is a jiahdi minded person, because, after all what is the meaning of pakistan? the land of pure? so what about other nations in the world?

Secondly what is Pakistan’s national ideology? Two Nation Theory! what it means? division of mankind based on religion?

Now at least we, secular Baloch cannot afford the luxury of committing such Sin which divides mankind on religious line.

We Secular Baloch also cannot be prejudiced towards other nations by a being a part of Pakistan which is very meaning is that the People living in Pakistan are Pure and others filthy!

But again some so called secular Baloch people, Like Ahmer Mistaken, living in America are still advocating and asking people to joint Pakistani Politics and elections. what about your secularism?

Sham Gothic!


From: zayed al balushi <zzayedal>
To: BNC <Balochistan_National_Congress>; bso_na <bso_na>; Balochistan National Congress <Balochistan_National_Congress>; balochi_culture
Cc: archenbaloch; balochi_culture
Sent: Tuesday, October 16, 2012 12:04 PM
Subject: Re: [balochi_culture] Participation in elections 2013 must

So Sad ! there is no treatment for 65 year oldr cancer & Diabetes patient. have to cut the diseases part
( pokistan )

Thanks & Best regards
Zayed Mohammed

Pakistan is Punjabi state – Say No to Pak Election 2013

Dear Jan Mohd Baloch,

Despite the fact that the elections in Balochistan are conducted under the supervision of ISI and MI and they decide their results and outcomes but still boycotting elections are not an option, nor taking part in them constitutes any grave sin or legitimize the illegal occupation of Balochistan by Pakistan. Because if we boycott the election, that mean we are giving them Balochistan 17 eats too in the National Assembly to fully control, loot and plunder our resources 100%, "under the Poki constitution", without being challenged. Instead of boycotting the elections, what we should do is demand the fair and transparent elections under the supervision of United Nation or US observers, and then use the elections to mobilize our masses politically to not only win all the seats and use them as tools in support of our struggle but also to block the ISI agent, drug dealers, smugglers, warlord Nawabs and Sardars and JUI extremists from coming into these (powerless, rubber-stamped) assemblies to harm us more and claim themselves as our "elected leaders" to fool the world.

ISI and MI have long been playing this games against the Baloch people to keep them away from elections, politically marginalize them and promote such baseless ideas through its "insider agents" that taking part in these Paki elections will legitimize Pakistan’s illegal occupation and if that is the case then we have already done that sin many times. All known Baloch leaders have taken part in Paki elections and then they were later removed by ISI games and conspiracies. Let’s not be a part of ISI games and think logically for the greater interest of our people. Let’s not give them the 100% chance and upper-hand to control and use our resources against our people. Let’s use all means of struggle, including the parliamentary one, to save and secure Balochistan by all means possible.

Once again, taking in Paki elections can not and will not legitimize Paki illegal occupation of Balochistan, NEVER. If that is the case then we have already done that many times.

Best Regards,

Dr. Wahid Baloch

Balochistan National Congress (BNC)
1629 K Street NW, Suit 300
Washington D.C., 20036
Tel: (202) 349-1682 Fax: (202) 331-3759
e-mail: Contact
Website: www.balochistannationalcongress.org/