Akhtar and Sana of BNP were the part of 28 May 1998 offensive on Balochistan. Please watch the complete video.
Khan Kalat in his recent statement issued by his Munishi Sarjov said that he will take Noori’s Balochistan back and criticized his son for hoisting Paki flag on Pakistan’s Independence Day but fall short to disown him and declare him as the traitor son. He said that his grandfather’s close friend and legal adviser Mr. Mohmmad Ali Jinnah, to whom his grandfather acceded his Kalat State, unilaterally, against the Baloch will and mandate, regretted for making Pakistan. Thanks to Khan Kalat for holding this secret for this long and not sharing it with everyone until now. This indicates his loyalty to Pakistan and complicity and now he wants to take the Noori’s Balochistan back from Pakistan.
Those who’s sold the Noori’s Balochistan to begin with in the first place, put the Baloch lives in danger and pushed them into permanent Pakistani slavery, how can they save Balochistan now?
(FYI: Mir Nasir Khan Noori, aka Khan-e`-Baluch-VI, was a religious Islamic fanatic cruel Baloch King. He killed many Zikiris Balochs of makoran and forced them to convert into Islam for which he was given the title of Ghazie-Deen (Hero of Islam) and Nasir-e-Millat-e-Mohammadiya (the supporter of the followers of Islam’s Prophet Mohammad). No wonder Khan Kalat wants to re-establish his great grandfather’s little Islamic caliphte and wants to be the called as “Amir-ul-Momineen” (the leader of Islam), like Taliban leader Mullah Omar.
Khan Kalat’s grandfather Mir Ahmed Yar Khan betrayed Baloch Nation and unilaterally signed the document of accessionwith Jinnah of Pakistan against the Baloch will and mandate to merge Balochistan to Pakistan. How can they now free Balochistan from Pakistan after committing such a big crime and blunder against Baloch Nation??
Can we ask this Khan how he can do it? Does he have an army to defeat the Pakistani and Iranian powerful armies or is he being unrealistic and sucidal?
OR, Is he going to do it by;
1. Shouting in London along with his hired Munshi Mullah Sarjove, an Iranian well known thug and proven SAVAKagent?
2. Or, with the help of Jundullah terrorists?
3. Or, with the help of his pro-Taliban/Pro-Al-Qaida religious brothers of JUI who were organizing Islam Zindabad Conference right next door to his house right there in his own hometown Kalat ?
4. Or, by telling the world that he wants to establish his littleIslamic Kingdom (Khanate) and declare Islam as it’s state religion whether someone likes it or not, and kill all the non-Muslim Zikri Balochs if they don’t convert to Islam and if a Baloch journalist ask him why he will tell him angrily , “F*K the mother of worlds“. Who told you to ask this questions”?
5. And, by sending his son to hoist the Paki flag and shout Pakistan Zidabad? Why he doesn’t disown him of his heir-ship? and declare him as a traitor son?
• Son say father is wrong, Father say no his son is wrong.
• Son say his father is delusional, Father Say, no his son is delusional.
• Son says his father is misguided by Sarjov, Father says, no his son is misguided by Aali Bugti.
• So, who is right and who is wrong??? Is it the father or the Son????
Who are they trying to fool here with their double games?
There are confirmed report from reliable sources that Khan Kalat sent his son purposefully to collect his Paki subsides on his behalf, protect and save the title of “Khan Kalat”, maintain the outdated Sardari and Nawabi system and collaborate with Paki military to conspire against Baloch nationalists and freedom fighters to get more of them killed and prepare himself to be crowned as the new Khan Kalat, the future king of Kalat with his father’s blessing and with the help of his grandmother Begum Jamila Daud and Governor Magsi.
We have also learned that Khan Kalat called his son on the night of Pakistan Independence Day and congratulated him for hoisting the Paki Flag. ”Son I’m so proud of you. You have maintained and kept the grandfather’s traditions.” he told him on the Skype.
Khan Kalat talk to his son every night over the Skype thinking that no body knows and his conversation can not be traced or recorded but they say walls have ears and eyes. Nothing can be hidden in these days. If Khan is not playing double games then why he doesn’t declare his rebel son as a traitor and dis-own him from his heir-ship? Why his son is living in his house and taking care of his “business” on his behalf?
How long these Khans, Nawabs and Sardars fool the ordinary Baloch people and play these cruel jokes and double games with the Baloch Nation.
Here are some questions for Khan Kalat to answer to Baloch Nation;
1. Does Khan Kalat admits that his grandfather Mir Ahmed Yar Khan betrayed the Baloch Nation and made a big blunder by signing the document of accession against Baloch will andmandate?
2. Is Khan Kalat is ready to render a public apology on behalf of his grandfather for that historic blunder.
3. Is Khan Kalat admits and apologize that he made a big blunder by appointing an Iranian Jundullah associate Mr. Borrto testify at the hearing on Eastern Balochistan, ignoring and sidelining the genuine Baloch leadership with a track record of Baloch political activism in in North America, who supported him through thick and thin this whole time. The appointment of Mr. Borr put a big question mark on the credibility of the hearing and Christine Fair, one of the witness at the hearing, who called the hearing a political stunt, later wrote, “I don’t understand why they brought in an Iranian Baloch to testify for Pakistani Balochistan. His remarks were particularly irrelevant.“
4. Can Khan Kalat make sure that he will not repeat such mistakes and blunders in the future to not discredit the genuine Baloch leaders and their work.
5. Can Khan Kalat admits that he is being misguided by his Ahmaq Munishi who is known Iranian SAVAK agent?
6. Can Khan Kalat disassociate himself fromJundullah terrorist and Proven SAVAK agents?
7. Can Khan Kalat tell the Baloch Nation that why he fled Pakistan and went into self-exile to Afghanistan and what was the deal with the Paki army GHQ that enabled him to return to Pakistan after that incident of the late 1980s?
8. Can he explain why he invited Gen Musharraf in his Palace in Kalat for dinner in 2005 and why after the meeting military operation started in Dera Bugti?
9. Can he explain why he discredited Nawab Bugti’s great sacrifices and martyrdom for Baloch nation by calling it a egoistic adventure to insult him in front a public audience in London?
10. Can Khan Kalat publicly apologize for that blunder and insult of great Baloch martyr Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti?
11. Can he disown his son from his heir-ship and declare him a traitor son and disassociate himself from his extremist pro-Taliban brothers and Jundullah terrorists?
If not then Khan Kalat should not shout for freedom to fool the world.
If Khan Kalat’s own son and his close family members does not trust him, then there seems to be a problem and he shouldn’t claim to be the leader of Baloch Nation, unless he have sent his son by himself to Pakistan to make a secret deal with Pakistan’s military and clear his way for his return and now he is trying to play double games and ride two horses at the same time.
News Analysis: The Father, the Son and the Naughty IG
By Malik Siraj Akbar
IN BALOCH traditions, if a boy is too rebellious and hard to control, the best thing for the folks in the neighborhood is to reach out to his father. If the father is not at home, they would most likely reach out to the boy’s elder brother.
Major General Ubaidullah Khan, the Inspector General of the Frontier Corps (FC), is not a Baloch, nor is he from Balochistan. Therefore, he does not know the rules of engagement while dealing with Balochistan. It was hilarious for many people to learn that he applied this rule in the opposite way. He reached out to the son of the Khan of Kalat to seek his help to bring his father on the ‘right’ (read official) track.
Can you imagine how the I.G. would have conversed with the Khan’s son if he spoke Balochi?
He would have probably said, “Aday Wathi Pissa Samjahen!” [ Boy, make your dad behave well].
The confident son, who also attended the Pakistan Day ceremony with the Corps Commander, assured the I.G. that his father would behave and he would also persuade him to return to Balochistan. The top F.C. officer was too delighted. He impatiently wanted to break the great news. For him, it seemed to be the greatest diplomatic breakthrough of all times. He convened a press conference and informed everyone that the Khan’s son had promised to convince his disillusioned father to come back to Balochistan. Politically naive, the I.G. seems to have thought that he required only a week time to resolve the Balochistan crisis once and for all. It was a good, but a failed, effort.
There are two fundamental problems attached to this official approach.
Firstly, the army and the F.C have become main actors in the Balochistan conflict. They can do a great favor in conflict management if they only stay away and allow the civilian government to initiate a dialogue process. Having done that, they also have an important responsibility to cooperate with such a broad-based dialogue process and and honestly offer all support they can to make sure that a political process is not derailed. The derailment of rapprochement in Balochistan has historically come from the military and the F.C. While politicians engage in talks, sometimes (as happened in 2004-05) a military captain is either blamed for raping a lady doctor at a gas plant in Balochistan or the FC is seen shooting at a political rally killing activists.
Secondly, there seems to be some cultural misunderstanding when the armed forces try to impose a peace model which may have successfully worked elsewhere in Pakistan. There is a reason why these two security organizations continue to fail in what they may call their ‘true’ and ‘sincere’ efforts to resolve the Balochistan conflict. The army mainly comprises of the Punjabis while the FC is heavily manned with Pashtuns of FATA. Considering the absolute absence and under-representation of the Baloch in both the forces, the top strategists in these organizations fail to understand the Baloch culture and negotiating style. If there was a sizable portion of Baloch officers in the army or FC, they could at least provide honest advice and a workable strategy to their top bosses before reaching out to the Baloch leaders. For instance, the Pashtuns in the Pakistan army play a key role in advising the army how to negotiate with the Taliban. That strong element is missing when it comes to reaching out to the Baloch.
Thirdly, the army does not know how to play politics but it continues to insist upon doing so. It is not primarily trained to run businesses but it is bent upon running the country’s businesses. As said above, it does not have a successful history of brokering deals with the Baloch but it also refuses to pave the way for political actors to come forward to decide what can best work in Balochistan. In the past, the military has committed two types of blunders in the province in its conflict resolution strategies. First, it pitted Baloch tribes, family members and neighbors against each other. One among several examples is the crowning of Mir Aali Bugti as the Nawab of the Bugti tribe only to discredit is anti-government cousin Bramdagh Bugti. The experiment should have succeeded by now considering the fact that apolitical generals induct the depoliticized Nawab some three years back. Second, the army has off and on offered unsolicited development projects to (what they say) make the Balochs rich, happy and healthier! The opening of the Chamalaang coal project was one such example of the army’s unnecessary involvement in an economic project. In serious conflicts, like Balochistan’s, coal projects headed by the army or schools constructed by the FC, do not make much sense. They only aggravate the situation.
Fourthly, Murtaza Baig, the spokesman for the FC, does not confide with us actually gave the I.G. the formula of reaching out to people’s sons to bring fathers on the negotiation table. I fail to agree that someone in Balochistan gave him this suggestion. The thought must have struck him somewhere in FATA or in Islamabad. In Balochistan, there are already more practical examples to be analyzed before reaching out to another son to please another disillusioned father.
While there is absolute consensus about the significant role the Marris are playing in the current nationalist movement, a son of Nawab Khair Baksh Marri, the ideological father of the current movement, is already the provincial organizer of Nawaz Sharif’s Pakistan Muslim League. If such approaches could work, Jangiz Marri, Nawab Marri’s son in the PML, would have surely convinced his father and brothers long ago to give up their demand for a free Balochistan and become a part of the Pakistani government.
As far as the Khan of Kalat is concerned, he has his merits and demerits. Depending on which side one takes, you can praise him and you can also endlessly criticize him. He has to deal with both sections of the opinion. Only his son can embarrass him. To ensure damage control, the Khan addressed a press conference and completely disassociated himself with is son saying that he had not interacted with his (now popular) son for the past two years.
The Khan, who know lives in London on exile, came in spotlight in September 2006 after he arranged a grand Jirga in Kalat deciding to take Balochistan’s case (of forced annexation by Pakistan in 1948) to the International Court of Justice.
The Khan can easily be criticized for three reasons: (a) He is too religious (b) He does not have a political party (c) most of his family members are pro-Pakistan ministers, MPAs and senators and do not share his vision of an independent Balochistan.
What, nonetheless, still makes him look genuine and credible to the Baloch movement, is his unwillingness to surrender before Islamabad. If he had agreed to give up his stance, he could have easily become the governor of Balochistan. As argued above, he does not have a political background or a political party which can sweep polls for him but, in the area’s tribal circle, he is still more respected and powerful than Nawab Raisani, the Chief Minister or Nawab Magsi, the governor. Interestingly, Raisani and Magsi and another powerful tribal chief, Sanaullah Zehri, all attended the Khan’s Jirga in 2006 but eventually all the three betrayed him and joined the government on key positions.
The I.G F.C. has indirectly offered an opportunity to the Khan of Kalat as next general elections get closer. The Khan has turned down the first offer. In such cases, it is in the greater interest of sons not to convey the full message to their fathers if they are themselves interested in eating the larger piece of the cake. Who knows? Go Prince!
Son of Khan of Kalat who wants united Pakistan
By Che Mureed
Baluchistan never agreed to marriage. The two houses voted for Baluchistan to remain as an independent country. Khan Yar Ahmed Khan himself has said in his writing that he did not have the authority to sign annexation. Therefore it is not a marriage, however, it is a relationship of master and slave. The slavery is maintained and aided by majority of nawab, sardars and House of Khan.
Present Khan may want independence but his son the future would be khan is waving Pakistani flag. Same is true of Nawab khair bux marri (KB), KB is fighting for independence but Chengaze is waving Pakistani flag.
Future of Baluch nation must be in the hand of an organisation, an organisation which is committed on a policy of independent Baluchistan. The future leader cannot be on the basis of inheritance, it has to be on the basis of election by those who are on ground zero. What will happen to Baluch movement once likes of Mohammad khan and Chengaze Marri take the rein of leadership?
We became enslaved in 1948 because Khan, Nawabs and sardars could not see a future together, the current marriage of conveniance will not last. In 1948 the nawabs, Khan and sardars went with pakistan to protect their interest; but the ordinary Baluch struggled and today they are dictating the terms. Nawab Akbar Bugti gave his life but today Hali Bugti has joined pakistan. The future of Baluchistan cannot be left in the hand of Khan, Nawabs and Sardars, it has to be in the hand of an organisation with clear policies and clear cut constitution for Baluchistan. Constitution must ensure that all baluch have equal rights. Leaders would be elected on the basis of one man one vote.
The Khan, Nawabs and Sardars want the ordinary Baluch to think that they are the vangard of baluch nation then let them prove it. Let them denounce the hereditary system handed to them by british imperialist and maintained by Pakistan and Iran. I challenge them to set an example, I challenge them to abdicate their position and their progenies (children) position as Khan, Nawab and Sardars. Such an announcement would be the declaration of freedom charter for Baluch nation. Whoever makes the announcement will gain the respect and admiration of Baloch nation and automatically will become the sole leader of Baluchistan. I will give you cast iron guarantee none of them will make the announcement, because they do not want to let go of power.
The head of the paramilitary force has said that the son of a self-exiled Baloch leader has told him that he wants to bring his father back to Pakistan.
Maj-Gen Ubaidullah Khan Khattak, the inspector general of the Frontier Corps, said that Prince Agha Muhammad Ahmedzai, the son of Khan of Kalat Mir Suleman Daud, expressed this desire in a recent meeting with him.
“I do not want to send out a wrong message about this meeting because the Khan of Kalat is a respectable citizen of the country and we will welcome him wholeheartedly when he returns,” Maj-Gen Khattak told a news conference at the FC headquarters. “We have initiated a process of reaching out to estranged (Baloch) leaders for negotiations,” he added.
The Khan of Kalat is living in self-exile in London – as do a number of other disgruntled Baloch leaders, including Balochistan Republican Party chief Barhamdagh Bugti and Hyrbyair Marri, who head outfits blamed for most violence in Balochistan.
In a clear reference to these leaders, Maj-Gen Khattak said, “Leaders spending a luxurious life in Europe cannot struggle for the rights of the people.”
Authorities had organised a ‘Balochistan Festival’ in connection with Pakistan Day celebrations on March 23 in Quetta. The Khan of Kalat’s son was seen hoisting the country’s flag at the function along with top civil and military officials.
Maj-Gen Khattak claimed that a large number of Baloch leaders turned up at the function, which shows that a majority of Baloch people wanted peace.
The Khan of Kalat, however, disassociated himself from his son’s participation in the Festival. “I’ve no contact with my son for last two years,” Mir Suleman Daud told journalists in Quetta by phone from London.
Mir Daudzai dispelled the impression that Prince Agha represented him at the festival. “Nobody represents me nor do I have any mouthpiece or spokesperson,” he said. “It’s an open secret that my son is under the supervision of pro-government Nawab Mir Aali Bugti,” the Khan of Kalat said.
Asked about Maj-Gen Khattak’s claim that the Khan of Kalat wants to return to Pakistan, Mir Daudzai said, “I will not say anything except that the ‘grapes are sour’.”
In an effort to play down the deadly insurgency, the FC chief said that the problem was not political. “The issue of Balochistan is not political but it is related to unemployment, under-development and a lack of facilities for better education,” he added. “Civil and military institutions are jointly working for the betterment of the people of Balochistan,” he said.
Asked about the criticism of his force by a number of quarters, Maj-Gen Khattak said it was regrettable that they did not appreciate institutions struggling for restoring order in the province. “However, I believe a majority of those who criticise the FC are not (in favour of peace),” he added.
The FC chief admitted that the situation in Balochistan is quite precarious and that the security forces alone cannot restore peace to the volatile province.
“Intellectuals, opinion makers, media and political leaders have to play their role; there are several examples of other countries where these quarters (are doing so),” he said.
Maj-Gen Khattak also provided a synopsis of the fluid security situation in the province over the last three months. According to him, at least 107 people, including 87 civilians and 20 security personnel, have been killed in incidents of terrorism. Gas pipelines were attacked 66 times during the year.
He added that security forces had also recovered a large range of arms, ammunitions, explosive materials, mines, detonators and Improvised Explosive Devices.
Published in The Express Tribune, April 1st, 2012.
From the Newspaper | National | By Iftikhar A Khan and Kalbe Ali
22nd March, 2012
Balochistan Chief Minister Nawab Aslam Raisani owns a safety and security firm and a mining company with a capital investment of Rs106.5 million. – File photo by APP
Balochistan Chief Minister Nawab Aslam Raisani owns a safety and security firm and a mining company with a capital investment of Rs106.5 million. – File photo by APP
ISLAMABAD: Balochistan is considered to be a neglected province where a majority of population lacks basic amenities, but the ruling elite of the province has an entirely different story.
Many members of the club have pieces of land greater in size than some small towns of the country, using precious vehicles rarely seen even in big cities and having more glamorous lifestyle than even royal families of the Arab world.
According to a statement of assets and liabilities submitted to the Election Commission for 2010-2011, Balochistan Chief Minister Nawab Muhammad Aslam Khan Raisani uses a luxury sport utility vehicle (Hummer H2) gifted by an unnamed friend from United Arab Emirates (UAE) and a Harley Davidson motorcycle brought to Pakistan after a waiver on customs duty. The price of Hummer and motorcycle has been cited as Rs180 million and Rs3.2 million, respectively. He has two other vehicles, including a land cruiser.
He owns a safety and security firm and a mining company with a capital investment of Rs106.5 million. He also owns over 30 properties valued at Rs150 million in his own and wife’s name.
The Minister for Home and Tribal Affairs, Mir Zafar Ullah Khan, owns 24,338 acres of land, most of which he has inherited and is yet to be distributed. He has Rs51 million in two bank accounts and owns Rs20.7 million house.
The Minister for Building, Agha Irfan Karim, owns four properties, including a farm house, 150 acres of agricultural land and a house in Quetta, but has not mentioned the price, just writing “not evaluated” in the remarks column against the detail of immovable property.
He owns two diamond-studded Rolex wrist watches, two more with gold and silver, 10 diamond-studded cufflinks and 200 tola of gold.
Pir Abdul Qadir Algilani owns 3,200 acres of land in Kalat and Lasbella, and an under-construction farm in Lasbella on 400 acres. His other properties include a two-acre hut in Gaddani. The Pir also has Rs33 million. He has mentioned investment in stocks, too, in his statement.
His other properties include two coal mines, three manganese mines, one cooper mine and one iron ore mine in his own and his wife’s name.
Pir Abdul Qadir has 300 guns issued by the Ordnance depot of the GHQ as his mother’s inheritance from Khan of Kalat, her father. He also owns antiques and gems of unspecified quantity and value.
The Minister for Fisheries, Mir Hammal Kalmati, owns assets worth Rs238 million. He owns seven properties worth Rs238 million and has over Rs28 million in bank accounts.
However, in contrast to most of the cabinet members in Balochistan, the Minister for Higher and Technical Education, Tahir Mehmood Khan, has assets of Rs86.5 million in Quetta. He has jewellery valued at Rs1.5 million and Rs63,600 in two bank accounts.
Jan Ali Changezi has no immovable property in or outside Pakistan. The total worth of assets, including furniture, jewellery and cash in hand and bank, comes to Rs1.6 million.
Muhammad Ismael Gujjar owns property worth Rs19.65 million. He has not mentioned the value of a dairy farm, eight commercial vehicles and two unspecified Pakistan-made cars of 2011 models and one Japan-made car of 2007 model. He has around Rs400,000 in two bank accounts.
Sardar Masood Ali Khan owns assets worth Rs235 million, including commercial and residential property, and 500 grams of gold ornaments. He owns no car.
The total worth of Mohammad Younas Mullazai’s assets, including a house and a commercial plot, is Rs5.5 million. He too owns no car.
Ali Madad Jattak has put at Rs7.3 million the value of his house and 18,000 sq feet land he had purchased after selling livestock — 48 camels, 23 cows and buffalos and 525 goats and sheep valued at Rs15.34 million. He has Rs0.5 million in cash and owns no car.
Ainullah Shams owns a house, agricultural land and open plots worth Rs 12.6 million, but has no bank account and owns no car.
The most valuable thing under possession of Molvi Abdul Samad is his car worth Rs350,000 followed by the share in a house mentioned as Rs50,000. He has put the value of furniture in his use at Rs200,00 and holds the same amount in cash as well. He has Rs3,800 in his bank account.
Syed Matiullah Agha has Rs9.1 million in his bank accounts. He has put the value of his four properties, including agricultural land and plots, at Rs4.5 million. He has an automobile engineering business in Karachi and owns a shop in his village. He also does not own a car.
Asfandyar Khan Kakar has an open plot in Pishin he purchased in an unspecified year for Rs2.8 million, with a present market value of Rs7 million. He has Rs575,315 in two bank accounts, but has no car.
———- Forwarded message ———-
From: Azeem Baloch <Azeembaloch2000@yahoo.com>
Date: Tue, Mar 27, 2012 at 4:30 PM
Subject: [balochi_culture] Fwd: (SPN) Event marking the “Illegal occupation of Balochistan on March 27, 1948”.
Balochistan an integral part of Pakistan, says Magsi
Our Staff Correspondent | Back Page | From the Newspaper
26th March, 2012
Commander Southern Commad Lieutenant General Alam Khattak presenting shield to Governor Balochistan Nawab Zulfiqar Ali Magsi during concluding ceremony of Mela organized in connection with Pakistan Day by Pakistan Army at Askari Park. — ONLINE PHOTO by Ahmad Kakar
QUETTA: Balochistan is and will remain an integral part of the country.
This was stated by Balochistan Governor Nawab Zulfiqar Ali Magsi in his address at the concluding ceremony on Sunday of a three-day festival organised by the Pakistan Army and the provincial government as part of the Pakistan Day celebrations.
Commander of Southern Command Lt-Gen Alam Khan Khattak, Balochistan Assembly Speaker Muhammad Aslam Bhootani, son of Khan of Kalat Prince Mohammad Ahmedzai, provincial ministers and senior military and civil officers attended the ceremony.
Governor Magsi said Balochistan would always remain part of Pakistan.
“No-one will be able to separate Balochistan from Pakistan,” he declared. He said the people of Balochistan were patriots and no-one should have any doubt about it.
Thousands of people, including women and children, visited festival in the Askari Park over the past three days. Cultural shows representing all provinces were organised.
A large number of stalls were set up in the park. An army band presented a musical programme. A karate show was also organised.
The governor announced a grant of Rs500,000 for welfare of special children.
Awards were given to owners of winning stalls.
———- Forwarded message ———-
From: Siddique Baloch <Siddique_Baloch firstname.lastname@example.org>
Date: Tue, Mar 27, 2012 at 2:34 PM
Subject: [balochi_culture] Fwd: (SPN) Event marking the “Illegal occupation of Balochistan on March 27, 1948”.
First of all lets’ be realistic. Let’s not call it a “ILLEGAL OCCUPATION”, as It is not an illegal occupation but was willful deliberate and voluntary merger of Khan Kalat with Jinnah of Pakistan. Khan Kalat did signed the document of accession on his own free will to please the prophet Mohammad (PBUH) after seeing him in his dream. He did it to prove that he is a good Muslim. He signed on the death warrants of millions of Baloch despite the fact that the both Baloch upper and lower houses voted unanimously to stay free and independent.
Balochs, Protesting against Pakistan, should also protest against Khan Kalat and his family for selling Balochistan to Pakistan.
This was not the first time Khan Kalat have sold Baloch land. In 1883, the Khan of Kalat sold the Quetta district and adjoining territories to the British government. Alongside the land, it was also an outright sale of the people, like a herd of cattle. Heirs of Khan of Kalat were also obliged to adhere to this hire purchase arrangement. He received an annual grant of Rs. 25000 for selling the most attractive part of Balochistan to the British government. The irony is that non of the money received was used for the welfare of ordinary Baloch people. No any Road, Hospital or School was built to help the ordinary Balochs, but was pocketed as personal wealth and was used to build palaces.
In 1783, the Khan of Kalat sold Gwadar to Taimur Sultan of Oman. On September 8, 1958, Pakistan purchased the Gwadar back from Oman for $3 million. Gwadar officially became part of Pakistan on December 8,1958. At the time, Gwadar was a small and underdeveloped fishing village with a population of a few thousand at that time.
Let’s not forget, It was again Mir Ahmed Yar Khan in Kalat who weighed Qaid Azum Mohamad Ali Jinnah and his sister into Golds and Silvers and give it to them as gift where the ordinary Baloch slept in hunger with empty stomach.
The lust of selling Baloch land and resources continue as the current Khan Kalat Mir Suleman Daud Khan recently sold a piece of priceless diamond-studded Baloch crown and a centuries old carpet of Kalat palace, that belonged to Baloch National heritage, to multi millions dollars in Dubai and bought himself a nice home in Cardiff, U.K for cash.
That was not enough. Khan Kalat is currently busy joining hands with Afghanistan’s Northen Alliance Warlords to sell the Balochistan’s natural wealth and Gwadar port to higher bidder such as UNOCAL and other oil and gas giant companies in exchange for to re-establish his monarchy (Khanate), over the bullet riddled dead bodies of Baloch people, with the help of some Iranian thugs and Jundullah terrorists, by suing the fancy slogan of Azadee, but Baloch Nation will not let them succeed in their evil game. Balochistan belong to Baloch people not to Khans, Nawabs and Sradaras.
On one sdie Khan Kalat shouting slogan of Azadee (freedom) from London, but at the same time his son Prince Mohammad Ahmedzai is sitting with Commander of Southern Command Lt-Gen Alam Khan Khattak, Balochistan Assembly Speaker Muhammad Aslam Bhootani,Governor Magsi and provincial ministers and senior military and civil officers celebrating Pakistan Day. May be Khan Kalat can explain why his son was celebrating “Pakistan day” and what does this mean of riding two horses at the same time? How long they will fool the ordinary Balochs??
Siddiqe Baloch, Karachi
———- Forwarded message ———-
From: Ameeri Baloch <email@example.com>
Date: Wed, Mar 21, 2012 at 3:38 PM
Subject: [balochi_culture] Fwd: (SPN) Event marking the “Illegal occupation of Balochistan on March 27, 1948”.
———- Forwarded message ———-
From: Imtiaz Baloch <firstname.lastname@example.org>
Date: Tue, Mar 20, 2012 at 7:30 PM
Subject: (SPN) Event marking the “Illegal occupation of Balochistan on March 27, 1948”.
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You are cordially invited to an event on marking the “Illegal occupation of Balochistan on March 27, 1948”.
To forfeit the independence of a Nation is a worse kind of human right violation in the human history. Balochistan, was an independent, secular and democratic country before March 27, 1948, forcefully occupied by Pakistani Army, since then Baloch people are fighting to regain their independence from this illegal occupation by Pakistan and Iran.
Pakistan and Iran are conducting slow motion genocide in both Eastern and Western Balochistan so as to silence the voices of secularism, democracy and world peace in the region.
We are inviting, all the progressive and peace loving people to attend the event. The event will be attended by a wide variety of experts coming from different walks of life to share their views and opinions on the subject of how Balochistan was occupied and how this current occupation of Balochistan by Pakistan and Iran have changed the region’s socio-economic growth, democratic values, and peace for the decades and why an independent and free Balochistan is vital for peace and prosperity for the region.
Topic of the Event:
“Illegal occupation of Balochistan on March 27, 1948”
WHERE: Milliken Mills Community Centre, 7600 Kennedy Rd
Markham, ON L3R 9S5, Main Intersection 14th and Kennedy Rd in Markham
WHEN: Sunday, March 25, 2012
TIME: 5 p.m – 9 p.m.
The Event on Illegal occupation of Balochistan is being organized by Baloch Human Rights Council of (Canada) & International Voice for Baloch Missing People (IVBMP).
Baloch Human Rights Council(Canada) & International Voice for Baloch Missing People(IVBMP) are the London-based organizations having branches in Norway, Austeralia, Sweden , and Denmark . Both BHRC & IVBMP are non-profit organizations struggling to raise the issue of gross human rights violations committed against Baloch people by the Pakistani and Iranian authorities in Eastern and Western Balochistan respectively. BHRC & IVMBP are primarily involved in raising international awareness on enforced disappearance, torture, and extra judicial killing of Baloch youth in Pakistan and Iran with the co-operation of UN Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances (UNWGEID).
Are Islamabad and petty government servants our uncles to dictate against the decision of Bugti jirga
While he (Shahzain Bugti) blamed the security agencies and FC for all the ills in Balochistan, he had an unconvincing answer to the question about the rolling back last year of the Police Order of 2002 and allowing the Levies, which are under ‘Sardars’ (chieftains), to play a key role of maintaining law and order in the province.
Shahzain Bugti said the order replacing the Levies with police was an ill-conceived decision. “We have a system and tradition in Balochistan; Islamabad cannot impose new laws and change on us.”
In reply to a question about the issue of ‘Kalpars’ (people of the Bugti sub-clan expelled from Dera Bugti), he accused the federal government of interfering in the affairs of the Bugti tribe.
“Are Islamabad and petty government servants our uncles to dictate against the decision of Bugti jirga,” Mr Shahzain said, adding that elders of the tribe representing 150,000 individuals had taken a decision to expel 700 Kalpars.
“The will of jirga and the majority has to be respected.”
Shahzain Bugti, who is currently in Islamabad, is holding meetings with leaders of political parties to discuss the Balochistan issue. On Thursday, he met a US embassy official in a hotel.
“We have a system and tradition in Balochistan; Islamabad cannot impose new laws and change on us.”
SARDAR WATCH: Mr.Shahzain Bugti ! Does this system continues in independent Balochistan? To put it bluntly will sardari system continues?
This is the attitude of sardars, therefore we can conclude that if and when we get independence, each and every one of us who talk against sardars will be kicked out of Balochistan or make our family slaves for rest of generations. Our enemy is these sardars, who oppressed baloch people, denied education, pushed into dungeons, no economic, social development. Do you people, common baloch, educated, moderate support or bet our lives and future in the hands of such senseless, illiterate sardar morons?
There are better options for us and for our children. My dear fellow baloch, only way to salvage is thru education and socio-economic development, not dancing to the tunes of these cunning, selfish sardars. We the middle class educated baloch must be in forefront in freedom struggle, instead of handing over control to sardars. Its is hard to imagine what these sardars will do to us in an independent balochistan. Before they consolidate their power, we must mobilize under one umbrella and start taking control and become formidable force.
We are for independent balochistan, we are for a freedom, development, education for all, equal right for all ( including sardars), religious tolerance. We at SARDAR WATCH appeal to all saner elements in balochistan, oppose vehemently these crass sardars and save our children from their sardari system imposed under the grab of democracy.
Beware of sardars, to hell with sardari system.
The sardari system in Balochistan was abolished in the early sixties, but successive governments failed to translate it into reality due to entrenched resistance by the Baloch sardars. It is a manifestation of their unbridled power that sardars, blatantly and brazenly, maintain personal militias equipped with modern weapons and challenge the writ of the state with impunity. It is heartrending as to how they can trod upon, most inhumanely, on the fundamental rights of their followers, claiming authority drawn from traditions and custom of the Baloch. It may sound unbelievable but while dispensing justice, they can still order people to walk on fire to prove innocence, grant hand of women as compensation in feuds and levy fines amounting to lakhs on perceived misdemeanour at personal discretion. They, manifestly, are a tyrannical relic of an oppressive past, which needs to accommodate change or become extinct in the process.
The British treated Balochistan markedly different than Punjab or Sindh, whereby their interest here, primarily, was not economic, but rather of a military and geopolitical in nature. They were interested in defining the Western frontiers of their empire, station garrisons to defend these frontiers and find a safe passage through the area in case of military expeditions to Afghanistan. By 1854, the Khan of Kalat had accepted the British suzerainty for an annual salary of Rs50,000. In 1876, the Khan and all his sardars signed a treaty paving the way for the implementation of the sandeman system of administration. This system changed the status of the Khan and the Baloch sardars to that of the paid agents of the British Crown.
In return for this cessation of sovereignty, the sardars were provided with privy purses covering all their expenses, family needs, personal staff, body guards, tours, hospitality, maintenance of their residences, marriages and all family ceremonies etc. Under the new system, the sardars were now empowered to organise Levies Corps by recruiting tribal personnel and receiving their pays from the British, exercising the discretion of paying whatever salary they deemed necessary or none at all to their tribal members, if they so wished.
As the sardars were the extension of the British authority, the system bestowed unlimited powers concerning their ability to impose whatever revenue they deemed appropriate in their tribal area. Assisted by Levies, paid for by the British, the sardars perfected a system of total submission of their tribal members, causing grave economic exploitation and political degeneration of the Baloch society.
Since the British had no economic interest tied in Balochistan, they promoted the most repressive form of the jagirdari system to consolidate the authority of sardars. The land was collectively given to a tribe, as a whole in which the sardar established an intricate hierarchy of revenue collection and his own law enforcement apparatus constituting the tumandars, the muqaddams, the naibs and the maliks. These intermediaries freed the sardar from the worries of day-to-day administration and concentrate on his leisure seeking inclinations outside the Spartan environments of the harsh Baloch landscape.
In economic terms, the system led to the stagnation of agriculture growth, since the surpluses produced by the system were not recycled to improve the infrastructure, methods or the environment. The result was that the institution of sardar, detached from the cycle of production, became a mere parasite whose splurging of the profits inhibited the flow of benefits to the peasants who till the soil with their sweat and blood.
It is apparent that the sardars’ supreme interest is to consolidate their stranglehold over the agricultural land and the mining resources of Balochistan without sharing it with the Baloch people. To this end, they would not refrain from even using the Baloch nationalism card to create unrest; even to the extent of promoting insurgency. To further their class interests, the sardars want to freeze their communities into a time warp in the name of defending the ‘true Balochi ethos’.
According to them, the Baloch do not need schools because reading is in contradiction to the sacred tribal custom of illiteracy; besides, it is argued, schools are being constructed so that the Punjabi army might use them, for accommodation. They don’t need hospitals and dispensaries, since it would expose their womenfolk to unscrupulous practices of seeing a doctor and would usher in the foreign influence. Besides, if their forefathers had lived without such encumbrances so could they! The roads are an affront to the nomadic traditions of the Baloch and would facilitate the outsiders’ ingress into their safe havens. The establishment of cantonments in the province, like in the rest of the country, is to consolidate the hold of Punjabis over the natural resources of the Baloch. In short, the Balochis have to revel in their ignorance, poverty, pestilence and disease just to sustain the ethnocentric the sardari system.
The sardari system is a legacy of the sandeman system of British subjugation of Balochistan and even as the times have drastically changed, the Baloch sardars are desperately trying to cling to this ancient relic for the sake of their personal gains and relevance. Notwithstanding that the case for Baloch nationalism is built around economic deprivation and exploitation of the Baloch masses, they themselves constitute the major stumbling block to the forces of change and progress; hijacking the direction of the legitimate Baloch aspirations and using it for securing sardars’ class interests. A new great game has begun in the region and Baloch nationalism should not become a vehicle for realising the designs of outside forces, who are intent upon exploiting the institution of Baloch sardars to accomplish their own vested interests.
The writer is a freelance columnist.
“If you will not fight for right when you can easily win without bloodshed; if you will not fight when your victory will be sure and not too costly; you may come to the moment when you will have to fight with all the odds against you and only a precarious chance of survival.” Churchill
Because we have ignored warning after warning, we are now at that place in history. Unless you do your part now, you will face a further choice, also described by Mr. Churchill. He said:
“There may be even a worse fate. You may have to fight when there is no hope of victory, because it is better to perish than live as slaves.”
TO HELL WITH SARDARS
” The powers of the Sardars or feudal lords were limited in the Barrohi tenure of rule, till the British jumped in. These Sardars held a consultative position in the matters of importance and in deciding tribal cases. They were as a sort of Conciliatory commission. Their Duty was that of an Arbitrator of peace between the contending parties. In case they failed, the matter was referred to the Khan-the Supreme Power-who in return forwarded it to the Qazi-ul-Quzzat (chief judge) for the final decision. Such was the position of the Sardars in the Criminal cases, while civil cases were directly dealt by the Qazi. The Khan was the Court of Appeal in all matters concerning the tribes of the conquered areas. The Sardars (tribal chiefs) were given jagirs by the Khan, and consequently they supplied the Khan with men and material in emergencies. Failing to produce specified quota of men, their jagirs were confiscated. Regarding internal affairs, the Khan acted quite independently in making laws and various other changes in the administrative spheres. While in his dealings with external matters, the feudal lords acted as a sort of Advisory Council. It was Naseer Khan, who had appointed tribal chiefs through General Elections of the tribe, by the headmen. Seniority in age and personal distinction were the deciding factors in the nomination of the tribal chief.( page 85,History of Baluch race, by Muhammad Sardar Baluch.1958).
When the British came and started setting up their new class orders, they met with problems in the Nazimate regions/ Sir Robert Sandeman was of the view owing to the democratic setup found amongst the tribes, the Head-men (Tumandars) if unsupported could not enforce Authority over the unruly spirits and in order to preserve what influence they possessed, they were compelled to follow the path where the unruly spirits lead (unruly being those who opposed the British).But the balance of power was turned, when the Tumandars were given the means to entertain armed servants of their own, and when supported by suitable allowances and the prestige of connection with ”OUR’ power. They then can exert themselves successfully, to keep their tribes in order.(p-304,Sir Robert Sandeman by T.H.Thornton.1895).
Though as we see the British created a new class, to quote just two examples Mihrullah Khan Marri and Shahbaz Khan Bugti were made Nawabs in January 1890,by the British Government of India.
But what most miss; the conditions attached with all these titles and grants .
They were all subject to 7 terms which were as under:
1) To be continued to a single ‘Designate’ heir.
2) And Conditionally on the Government pleasure.
3) Heir to be chosen by the Government.
4) Information services to be provided during the term in office.
5) Subject to good behavior while in service to the Government.
6) For service and position.
7) Government services to be rendered on call, with the retainers.
(PRAP(R) feb 1896).